Thank you very much, and thanks to the Government of France for hosting
this. I want to support what Minister Davutoglu just said, because the
Friends of Syria has been a very useful device to build pressure against
the Syrian regime and to build international support for the Syrian
people.
For more than a year, those who spoke for the Syrian opposition said
they did not want any foreign intervention. And we respected that. And
it is something that we took seriously. Starting in Tunis and then in
Istanbul and now in Paris, we are focused on determining what we can do
to try to hasten the end of this regime and to provide the circumstances
for an effective process of transition and reconciliation.
What was accomplished in Geneva by the action group was, for the very
first time, to enlist not only all five permanent members of the
Security Council including Russia and China, but also important leaders
in the region and in the Arab League in support of such a transition.
The issue now is to determine how best to put into action what was
accomplished there and is continuing here. And I really hope everyone
reads the communique from Geneva, because for example, one of the
earlier speakers from Syria expressed concern there was nothing about
political prisoners. Well, indeed there is. And a call for the release
from detention. So it would be very helpful to get everybody on the same
page if we’re going to work together about what we have already done
and what we need to be doing as we move forward.
Under the Geneva communique, the opposition is for the first time put
on an even basis with the government. They are given equal power in
constituting the transition governing entity that will have, as we just
heard, full executive authority. That could not have been imagined three
months ago, let alone a year ago.
So although none of us here is satisfied or comfortable with what is
still going on inside of Syria, because it is against every norm of
international law and human decency for a government to be murdering its
own people, there has been in the last several months, starting in
Tunisia, a steady, inexorable march toward ending this regime. What we
need to do is to follow through on what each of us can contribute to the
end of the Assad regime and the beginning of a new day for Syria.
I applaud what was accomplished in Cairo a few days ago. It was the
largest, most inclusive gathering of opponents to the Assad regime ever
convened. They came together to support a detailed transition plan that
builds on Kofi Annan’s guidelines. They created a follow-up committee,
including some of Syria’s brightest young people – after all it is their
future that we are hoping to improve – and we expect the Syrian
opposition now to begin to implement that transition plan.
We also think it is imperative to go back to the Security Council and
demand implementation of Kofi Annan’s plan, including the Geneva
communique that Russia and China have already agreed to. So we now have
them on record supporting a transition.
And we should
go back and ask for a resolution in the Security Council that imposes
real and immediate consequences for non-compliance, including sanctions
under Chapter VII.
Now what can every nation and group represented here do? I ask you to
reach out to Russia and China and to not only urge, but demand that
they get off the sidelines and begin to support the legitimate
aspirations of the Syrian people. It is frankly not enough just to come
to the Friends of the Syrian People, because I will tell you very
frankly, I don’t think Russia and China believe they are paying any
price at all – nothing at all – for standing up on behalf of the Assad
regime. The only way that will change is if every nation represented
here directly and urgently makes it clear that Russia and China will pay
a price, because they are holding up progress – blockading it – that is
no longer tolerable.
And let me also add that confronted with the regime’s non-compliance,
it is difficult to imagine how the UN supervision mission can fulfill
its responsibilities without a Chapter VII enforcement mechanism. I
think General Mood and his team have performed an extraordinary task,
but it is clear unarmed observers cannot monitor a ceasefire that does
not exist.
Next, what can you all do? You can tighten the financial vise,
squeezing the regime. The second meeting of the sanctions working group
in Washington last month called for all states to take additional steps
to freeze the assets of regime officials, restrict transactions with the
commercial and central banks, and embargo Syrian oil. Since then,
Switzerland, the European Union, Japan, and Australia have all announced
additional measures. And the regime is becoming more isolated, which
will help to hasten its end because its business support will finally
turn on it.
Syria’s currency and foreign reserves have collapsed. Sanctions on
oil alone have deprived Assad of billions of dollars in lost revenues,
and his ability to finance his war grows more difficult by the day.
What’s keeping him afloat is money from Iran and assistance from Russia
and the failure of countries represented here to tighten and enforce
sanctions. You cannot call for transition on the one hand and give the
regime a free pass on sanctions on the other. So we need to push for
even stronger implementation at the working group meeting next to be
held in Doha on sanctions.
I am also pleased that the Syrian Justice and Accountability Center
is now up and running, compiling evidence of serious violations of human
rights, because, after all, there can be no impunity and we need the
evidence in order to make sure there is none.
So increasing pressure in all these ways is critical because no
transition plan can progress so long as the regime’s brutal assaults
continue. And we cannot ask the opposition to unilaterally give up their
struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. The United
States will continue providing non-lethal assistance to help those
inside Syria who are carrying the fight to organize and better
communicate.
Now what else can we do? We can increase our humanitarian relief. The
United States is providing more than $57 million to support
humanitarian organizations, but unfortunately, the Syrian Humanitarian
Response Plan is only 20 percent funded so far. So we all need to do
more – not only now but in the future to assist with the reconstruction.
And although the stakes for the Syrian people are literally life and
death, they are also significant for the entire world, because if Syria
spirals further into civil war, not only will more civilians die, more
refugees will stream across the borders, but instability will spread far
beyond Syria.
This is a regime with a massive war machine. I’m sure many of you
followed the back and forth I had with the Russian Government over
sending the attack helicopters they were refurbishing back to Syria. And
I thank the United Kingdom and other European countries for very
clearly expressing their refusal to allow that ship to go forward. But
there are still those who are funding the regime and providing war
materiel. And they have shown no hesitance in continuing to do that. In
fact, the Syrian Government itself has only escalated their violence
over time.
Given their behavior – and the chemical weapons they possess – it is
imperative that they understand their international responsibilities. So
yes, what can we do? Right now, leaving this meeting, there are a
number of things every one of us can do. And I hope that we will commit
to doing so, because clearly our message must be: We are united in
support of the Syrian people and in our absolute resolve to see the end
of the Assad regime and a transition to a democratically-elected,
representative government that gives the Syrian people a path forward.
And I think that means we, at this time, must be firm and united in
support of Special Envoy Kofi Annan’s plan and act accordingly.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
