Good
morning. It is such an honor and a pleasure for me to be here, and let
me begin by thanking the Foreign Minister. We are very proud that you
were educated in part in our country, and we are very pleased to see you
in this position. And I thank you for quoting one of my favorite
sayings and admonitions about what we are to do with our time on this
earth. And I am grateful to you, Foreign Minister Cisse.
Let me also thank President Ndiaye for that warm welcome to this
distinguished university. I have been looking forward to being here, a
place that has trained so many of the leading citizens of Senegal and of
West Africa, and to have this opportunity, joined by a broad
cross-section of Senegalese society – government officials, religious
leaders, members of the business community and civil society, young
people and students, everyone representing the rich mosaic of democracy
in Senegal.
I have many fond memories of my first trip to Senegal with my
daughter, Chelsea, in 1997. And already last night and today, I have met
people who I met for the first time during that visit. I met so many
impressive and courageous men and women working to improve rural health,
to protect the health of your girls, to be on the forefront of
developing the economy. Even then, 15 years ago, I felt the promise and
the potential that you were realizing, and I was so excited.
I remember going to Goree Island, I remember a memory of the darkest
chapter in our long shared history, and feeling such despair at what
human beings are capable of doing to one another, but then meeting with
people who were committed to a future of hope and promise. When I went
back to the White House, I told my husband he had to go to Senegal. And
occasionally, husbands listen. (Applause.) So the very next year, I came
back with him. Over 12 days, he took the longest trip to Africa by any
American president yet. And he met with peacemakers and entrepreneurs,
with students and statesmen and women. And here in Senegal, Bill talked
about an African renaissance. Standing on Goree Island, he said, “As
certainly as America lies over the horizon behind me, so I pledge to the
people of Africa that we will reach over this ocean to build a new
partnership based on friendship and respect.” And he followed through.
(Applause.)
He followed through on that pledge with initiatives like the African
Growth and Opportunity Act, which began opening U.S. markets to African
goods, beginning to shift the focus of our relationship from aid to
trade. His successor, President George W. Bush, first visited Senegal
and other African nations in 2003. And he too was committed to deepening
the partnership between our nations. Under President Bush’s leadership,
the United States launched two landmark programs – PEPFAR to fight
HIV/AIDS, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation to link our
assistance with improvements in governance and accountability.
And then President Obama, a son of both Africa and America –
(applause) – advanced and personalized America’s commitment in his
historic 2009 speech to the parliament in Ghana. He laid out a vision
for our relationship designed to build strong institutions embedded in
democracy. As he memorably said, “Africa doesn’t need strong men. It
needs strong institutions.” (Applause.) I certainly think Senegal has
proven that to be true. (Applause.)
President Obama also acknowledged that historically, Western powers
had too often seen Africa as a source of resources to be exploited or as
a charity cause in need of patronage. And he issued this challenge to
Africans and Americans alike: Africa needs partnership, not patronage.
And we have tried to build on that challenge. And throughout my trip
across Africa this week, I will be talking about what it means, about a
model of sustainable partnership that adds value rather than extracts
it. That’s America’s commitment to Africa.
The Obama Administration’s comprehensive strategy on Sub-Saharan
Africa is based on four pillars: first, to promote opportunity and
development; second, to spur economic growth, trade, and investment;
third, to advance peace and security; and fourth, to strengthen
democratic institutions. Our partnership with Senegal embodies all four
of those pillars.
First, when it comes to development, we are building on the progress
of programs like AGOA, PEPFAR, and MCC, and incorporating the lessons
learned over the past decades. We are pursuing what is called country
ownership of development. That means a nation’s own efforts to lift your
own people out of poverty, improve health and education, grow your
economy, are led, planned, and ultimately implemented by your own
government, your own communities, your own civil society, your own
private sector.
Now, I know that in some quarters, the phrase “country ownership”
raises questions. Some worry that it means donors are supposed to keep
money flowing indefinitely while a handful of unaccountable ministers
pick and choose how to spend it, or conversely, that it is code for
abandoning our partners. Still others fear that country-owned really
means government-run, freezing out civil society and the private sector.
Well, I think it is fair to ask these questions, because like many
donors, the United States has not always done the best job promoting and
explaining what we mean. But as I travel across Africa, I will be
highlighting progress we’ve made in translating that phrase into
reality. For example, when I am in South Africa, we will be announcing
that South Africa will be taking over the management of their HIV/AIDS
programs that treat nearly 6 million people a year. The United States
has been a partner and a donor, and we continue to provide assistance,
but the South African Government and people have said, “This is our
issue that we must address with our people.”
Here in Senegal, we are working in the MCC agreement and with USAID
to make sure we are responsive to the needs that we hear about from our
experts and yours. So when I visited a health center this morning, I saw
what we were doing to work with you about malaria and tuberculosis, but
I also heard that what Senegal needs is more help with maternal
mortality and health for mothers, more help with child survival and
increasingly more help as every country in the world with chronic
diseases, like diabetes and hypertension. So rather than us sitting in
the United States, in Washington, in our office buildings deciding what
Senegal needs or wants, we are determined to work with you to listen, to
learn, and then to produce results together. (Applause.)
Now, we also believe that good governance and political will matter.
Sustainable development hinges on political leaders making good choices
to fight corruption and to create jobs, to prioritize investments in
health and education, to put in place fair tax systems, transparent
budgeting, and other responsible measures. And I heard from the
President in our very constructive, comprehensive meeting earlier today
about the steps that he is taking in every one of these categories.
Because this goes beyond the portfolios of health or development
ministers. It takes leadership from the top. And so I raised these
issues with prime ministers and presidents, also with civil society,
also with the private sector.
But ultimately, in a democracy such as Senegal’s, the decisions
should lie with the people, with people exercising their rights of
citizenship to get the kind of services that you know you need for
yourselves and your families. We welcome President Sall’s focus on
transparency and accountability in government and on independence for
the judiciary. We believe his plans to boost agricultural production and
reform land ownership rules will be very important. We also wish to
help him fulfill his pledge to resolve the long-running conflict in the
south. (Applause.) And we are committed to help in every way with the
prosecution of former President Habre of Chad. All of these commitments
are important ones that speak to the kind of government and country that
Senegal is and intends to be. And the United States stands ready to
help, as a partner and a friend.
The foundation for our investments in Senegal is a $540 million
Millennium Challenge Compact, one of the largest in the world. Here is
what it is intended to do based on the very tough competition that
Senegal had to go through in order to receive this grant. It is helping
Senegal improve roads, build bridges, irrigate some 90,000 acres of farm
fields, make it easier for farmers to get their products to market. In
addition to that, this year, the United States Agency for International
Development is investing $19 million to build schools and train
teachers, $17 million to strengthen the food supply, $55 million to
improve public health. I saw the public health money in action at that
health center this morning, because what I saw was a well-organized plan
that put in one place the services that people will need. Now, that may
sound obvious to you, but Senegal is leading in this area. Too many
countries still have health services scattered all over. So if you’re a
pregnant woman who goes for a checkup, but who also wants to get a bed
net for malaria protection, you have to go two different places. But at
this health center based on the model that Senegal is building, it’s
more efficient, and it produces results faster. Working together,
Senegal has driven child mortality down by 40 percent over the past five
years. But there is still more work to be done.
The second pillar of our strategy is spurring economic growth, trade,
and investment. Trade between the United States and Senegal rose 20
percent last year. We are really beginning to make progress, but as I
told the President, we know there’s more we must do to get that number
even higher. The IMF recently reported that Senegal’s democratic
resilience has positioned you to achieve long-term growth, and the
United States wants to be part of your success. Indeed, we believe –
(applause) – that if you want to make a good investment in the midst of
what is still a very difficult global economy, go to Africa. In Africa,
you have seven of the ten fastest-growing economies in the world.
But too many businesspeople around the world don’t know that. So
we’re going to do more to try to make sure businesses and investors in
the United States know about the opportunities in Senegal and elsewhere
across Africa. (Applause.) But in order to be meaningful, it’s not just
the numbers and the statistics that count. Growth needs to be translated
into widely shared prosperity. It will not be a success if a small
group of people get richer. What you want to see is sustainable
inclusive growth over the long term. And I will be making that point
everywhere I stop.
We’re encouraging greater economic integration between regional
neighbors. If one looks at Sub-Saharan Africa and you look at the
barriers to growth, many of those are the barriers that exist between
and among neighbors. If countries and regions of Africa traded as much
between themselves as countries in Latin America or Asia do, growth
would even be faster. So how can we work with you, with your businesses,
with your governments to try to create more integration to fuel faster
economic growth? We’re also working with resource-rich nations to help
make sure that their mineral and energy wealth actually improves the
lives of their citizens. The days of having outsiders come and extract
the wealth of Africa for themselves leaving nothing or very little
behind should be over in the 21
st century. (Applause.)
The third pillar is a commitment to shared security and regional
problem-solving. And here, too, the United States and Senegal are
working together closely, working to combat terrorism, tackling regional
threats such as drug trafficking, supporting peace and security
throughout the region and the world. And I especially want to applaud
and thank Senegal for your contributions to peacekeeping missions from
Cote d’Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of the Congo all the way to
Haiti. I hear many compliments about the professionalization, the
expertise of the Senegalese military. (Applause.) And we, for one, thank
you for that.
We have also welcomed the leadership of the African Union in
promoting peace, security, and democracy. The African Union sent very
strong messages about Africa’s emerging norms by suspending Madagascar,
Guinea-Bissau, and Mali after their coups and calling for the
restoration of elected civilian governments. And I look forward to
discussing the future of the African Union with its newly elected woman
chair in South Africa next week. (Laughter.)
With Senegal’s participation, the Economic Community of West African
States, ECOWAS, has also become a leader in responding to political and
security crises. ECOWAS stood up for democracy by opposing the
illegitimate Gbagbo regime when it held on to power after losing the
election in Cote d’Ivoire. It’s coordinating regional responses to
transnational threats such as narcotics, piracy, and small arms
trafficking. And we are working together to train police, prosecutors,
and security forces to help strengthen the rule of law and uphold human
rights.
It’s especially appropriate to emphasize the fourth pillar of our
approach here in Senegal because it is the heart of the American model
of partnership, and that is our enduring support for democracy and human
rights, our helping other nations and people fulfill their own
aspirations. By every measure, democracies make better neighbors and
better partners. They are more capable of working together to solve
shared challenges. They innovate more. They give people a way to devote
their energies to productive political, economic and civic engagement,
which reduces the allure of extremism. And open societies offer more
opportunities for economic, educational, cultural, and pe
ople-to-people exchanges, which are the foundation for peace.
Now, I know there is sometimes an argument that democracy is a
privilege belonging to wealthy countries, and that developing economies
must put economic growth first and worry about democracy later. But
that’s not the lesson of history. Over the long run, you can’t have
effective economic liberalization without political liberalization.
Without the rule of law, people with a good business idea or money to
invest cannot trust that contracts will be honored and corruption
punished, or that regulations will be transparent and disputes resolved
fairly, and so many will end up looking for opportunities elsewhere,
some even migrating out of their countries of origin. Last year, the
World Bank reported evidence that respect for economic freedom and civil
and political liberties helps explain why some countries achieve better
long-term economic outcomes than others. So instead of viewing
democratic reform as an afterthought, we see it as key, a key building
block of sustainable development.
And if anyone doubts whether democracy can flourish in African soil,
let them come to Senegal. (Applause.) Americans admire Senegal as one of
the only countries in West Africa never to have had a military coup.
(Applause.) And we stood firmly behind the people of Senegal as you
defended your democracy and your constitution in the recent presidential
elections. (Applause.) It was a compelling example for Africa and the
world. We saw a handful of musicians and young activists sparking a mass
movement with a simple slogan: “We’re fed up.” (Applause.) We saw
diverse civil society organizations rallying together, registering and
educating voters. We saw students marching in the streets proclaiming,
“My voting card is my weapon.” (Applause.)
We saw soldiers and police upholding democratic principles by
steering clear of politics. We saw long lines of citizens waiting to
vote. We saw civil society activists monitor more than 11,000 polling
stations, texting vote counts and reports of irregularities to an
independent center in Dakar. We saw perhaps the most sophisticated
monitoring program ever deployed in Africa or anywhere else. (Applause.)
And in the end, we saw a peaceful transfer of power. We saw democracy
reaffirmed. We saw Senegal’s traditions preserved. And we joined with
the rest of the world in praise and respect for the Senegalese people.
(Applause.)
And on a personal note, I have to add – I was particularly impressed
that Senegalese voters elected women to 65 of the 150 seats in the new
National Assembly. (Applause.) You probably know this, but that gives
Senegal one of the highest percentage of women in directly-elected
legislative bodies in the world. (Applause.) And of course, it makes
perfect sense because democracies must be open to and include all of
their people, men and women, not just to vote, but to have the chance to
participate and to lead. And Senegalese women took a leadership role
during the voting, including the Women’s Platform for Peaceful
Elections, a network of more than 60 organizations. And the Situation
Room, which was such an important clearinghouse – (applause) – it was
such an important clearinghouse for information and activism that
President Sall made it a point to visit the first day after his victory
was announced.
Now sustaining this participation will be critical in the days ahead,
because you know things cannot happen overnight. It takes time. But you
have a leadership that you have elected that has made public
commitments to the changes that you want them to make. And I know from
our own work with your new leadership they are absolutely committed to
see those changes happen. (Applause.) So we will stand with them and
with you as you begin the hard work of translating into reality and
results the rhetoric of what happens in a political campaign.
Now the resilience of democracy is being repeated across the
continent. We’ve seen the restoration of constitutional order in Niger
and Guinea following coups. We’ve seen credible elections in Benin, Cape
Verde, Liberia, Nigeria, Zambia, and Togo over the last year alone.
We’ve seen freer media, fairer justice systems, more effective
legislatures, more vibrant civil societies.
Take Cote d’Ivoire, for example, which last year had to fight off a
serious threat to democracy and this year is reaping the economic
rewards. The World Bank, the IMF, and the Paris Club have agreed to
forgive nearly $4 million in debt – $4 billion in debt. And whereas
their GDP declined by more than 6 percent in 2011 during their crisis,
it’s expected to soar by more than 8 percent this year. And Cote
d’Ivoire, because they are now at peace and democratic order has been
restored, has been able to unlock global financing for long-delayed
infrastructure projects, including new bridges, hydroelectric dams, and
much more.
So democracy and peace pay off. This week, all of us join the people
of Ghana in mourning the passing of President Mills, a good man and a
good leader for his country. (Applause.) But we are also celebrating the
smooth, peaceful, constitutional transfer of power to President Mahama.
The Ghanaian people will head to the polls later this year and will
have an opportunity to add another accomplishment to one of Africa’s
great democracy stories.
Earlier this year, I had the privilege of attending the second
inauguration of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in Liberia, a country
that only recently emerged from years of war and economic ruin. There
were troubling signs that this last election might reignite the flames
of conflict, but Liberia’s leaders and its young, democratic
institutions proved strong and kept the country on track.
Now I know how hard it can be to keep faith in a democratic system
when your preferred candidate or party loses an election. I’ve won
elections and I’ve lost elections. I know that boycotting or obstructing
is no way to advance an agenda or to solve a problem. It’s a recipe for
gridlock and conflict.
I’m often asked, all over the world, how I could agree to serve in
President Obama’s Cabinet after we had campaigned so hard against each
other. I was trying to beat him, he was trying to beat me, and he
succeeded. And I always give the same answer: Because we both love our
country. (Applause.) Because that’s what democracy is all about, and
that’s what patriotism is all about. And you know that here in Senegal.
And we hope to see that spirit and experience take hold in many more
countries in the region. Because as proud as we are to see the
successful elections and the peaceful transitions, there are still too
many places in this region and across the continent where democracy is
threatened, where human rights are abused, where the rule of law is
undermined. There are still too many Africans living under autocratic
rulers who care more about preserving their grip on power than promoting
the welfare of their citizens. Violent extremism, transnational crime,
and rampant corruption all threaten democracy.
And we have seen some backsliding because we have seen that in less
than a decade, the number of electoral democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa
have fallen from 24 in 2005 to just 19 today. Now, that’s far better
than it was 20 years ago, but not nearly good enough.
And here in Senegal, there are some worrisome developments in your
neighborhood. In Guinea-Bissau, no elected president has successfully
served a full five-year term, and this past April a military coup once
again disrupted constitutional rule. And we thank Senegal for
contributing troops to the ECOWAS stabilization force there. The already
weak economy is collapsing. Cashew production is forecast to drop by
half. But what is growing? Drug trafficking. Rampant corruption, greed,
is taking over. And we see a very troubling trend, that Guinea-Bissau,
unless the people of Guinea-Bissau with the help of their neighbors and
the international community say no, could become a totally dependent
state on drug traffickers from Latin America. What a terrible
development. The President and I talked at length about what more we
could do to help, and we stand ready to do so, because the people of
Guinea-Bissau certainly deserve better.
Mali was, by most indicators, on the right path until a cadre of
soldiers seized power a little more than a month before national
elections were scheduled to be held. By some estimates, this could set
back Mali’s economic progress by nearly a decade. It certainly created a
vacuum in the North in which rebellion and extremism have spread,
threatening not only people’s lives and the treasures of the past, but
the stability of the region. And recent reports from Human Rights Watch
raises concern about alleged torture and extra-judicial killings at the
hands of the mutineers.
Now the interim President has returned and we encourage all parties
to set aside their differences, work to restore democracy, schedule
elections by April of next year, preserve the territorial integrity of
the country, reject the appeals of violent extremism.
The African Union has suspended Mali, ECOWAS has imposed sanctions,
the United States is holding back funding, and we’ve continued critical
humanitarian assistance for programs in health and food, and we’re
contributing $10 million to assist the more than 260,000 Malian refugees
who have been displaced. And we’re well aware of the greater food
crisis across the Sahel, and we’re getting more than $355 million to try
to address the food and refugee crisis across the Sahel. I’ve also
dispatched some of my top aides to work with the UN High Commissioner
for Refugees to go to Mali, to go to Burkina Faso, and elsewhere to
assess further what the needs are. But we cannot and will not resume
assistance to the government until the military accept civilian control
and a democratically-elected government once again takes office.
Now, Mali and Guinea-Bissau are just two examples. There
unfortunately are more. And in places where jobs are scarce and a tiny
elite prospers while most of the population struggles, people –
especially young people – can turn their frustrations into social,
economic, and political change. That’s the right channel. But they can
also be attracted to violence, to conflict, to extremism out of
frustration and anger at what they see happening around them.
It is time – it is past time – for all leaders to accept
accountability, to treat their people with dignity, to respect their
rights, to deliver economic opportunity and services for all. As I told
the African Union in Addis Ababa last summer, leaders who hold onto
power at all costs, who suppress dissent to enrich themselves, their
families, and their supporters at the expense of their own people, who
define democracy as one election, one time are on the wrong side of
history. (Applause.) We are seeing that in North Africa, and we are
seeing everywhere, where people finally say, “Enough. We’re fed up.”
(Applause.)
So the links between democracy and development is a defining element of
the American model of partnership. And I acknowledge that in the past
our policies did not always line up with our principles. But today, we
are building relationships here in West Africa and across the continent
that are not transactional or transitory. They are built to last. And
they’re built on a foundation of shared democratic values and respect
for the universal human rights of every man and woman. We want to add
value to our partners, and we want to add value to people’s lives. So
the United States will stand up for democracy and universal human
rights, even when it might be easier or more profitable to look the
other way, to keep the resources flowing. Not every partner makes that
choice, but we do and we will.
I also acknowledge that some people back in the United States say we
shouldn’t bother, that we should just focus on America’s immediate
economic or security interests, not worry so much about the slow, hard
work of building democracy elsewhere. But I think that is shortsighted.
It’s not only in what we see to be the interest of the people of Senegal
and elsewhere, it’s also in our interest to have strong and stable
partners in the world, and democracies are by far the strongest and most
stable partners. So this isn’t altruism. This is a strategic commitment
to shared prosperity, to common security.
During the recent elections here, many young people and students
talked of a new type of Senegalese citizen emerging – active, engaged,
committed to democracy. Well, that’s the kind of partnership we want
with you, and particularly with your young people. This is a young
country, and this is a young continent. (Applause.) And we know that
young people are now connected to each other in ways that were not
imaginable just a few years ago. A young student here at this university
knows what’s happening not only in South Africa, but in South Asia. You
can see what other people are doing, how they’re participating, and you
begin to say to yourself: What about our talent? What about our
potential? What about our future? I am here to tell you we believe in
the young people of Senegal and the young people of Africa. (Applause.)
And we believe that talent is universal, but opportunity is not.
So what does that mean? We believe that right now somewhere in
Senegal a young boy or a young girl could be a scientist that helps
discover a cure for a rare form of cancer – (applause) – could be a
president in 30 or 40 years, could be an entrepreneur that creates a new
business that employs hundreds, even thousands – (applause) – of other
Senegalese. We believe that. And we believe the best way to test that is
to do what Senegal is doing, to keep doing the hard work of education,
of healthcare, of development, and especially in the rural areas, of
gender parity, so you don’t lose the talents of half the population of
Senegal – (applause) – as you build this new future.
We want to advance your aspirations and our shared values. We want to
help more people in more places live up to their own God-given
potentials. We want this to be our mutual mission. That is the work we
are called to do in the 21
st century. It is a race, a race
between hope and fear, a race between potential realized and despair
imbued in every pore of one’s body. It is a race that we are in between
those who believe as you and we believe, that there is an unlimited
future for those who are willing to work together.
So thank you, Senegal. Thank you for what you have done in your own
country. Thank you for being a model in this region, a champion of
democracy, a force for peace, prosperity, and progress. And thank you
for being a partner and a friend to the United States of America. Thank
you and God bless you. (Applause.)
