HFA on Trump Foundation Funding Legal Settlements
In
 response to David Fahrenthold’s latest story in the Washington Post on 
Trump’s Foundation, HFA Deputy Communications Director Christina 
Reynolds offered the following statement:
“Clearly the Trump 
Foundation is as much a charitable organization as Trump University is 
an institute of higher education. Trump’s version of charity is taking 
money from others to settle his own legal issues and buy at least two 
pictures of himself, which experts say is a clear violation of laws 
governing charitable organizations. Once again, Trump has proven himself
 a fraud who believes the rules don’t apply to him. It’s past time for 
him to release his tax returns to show whether his tax issues extend to 
his own personal finances.”
IN CASE YOU MISSED IT
Trump used $258,000 from his charity to settle legal problems
Washington Post
By David A. Fahrenthold
September 20, 2016
Donald
 Trump spent more than a quarter-million dollars from his charitable 
foundation to settle lawsuits that involved the billionaire’s for-profit
 businesses, according to interviews and a review of legal documents.
Those
 cases, which together used $258,000 from Trump’s charity, were among 
four newly documented expenditures in which Trump may have violated laws
 against “self-dealing” — which prohibit nonprofit leaders from using 
charity money to benefit themselves or their businesses.
In one 
case, from 2007, Trump’s Mar-a-Lago Club faced $120,000 in unpaid fines 
from the town of Palm Beach, Fla., resulting from a dispute over the 
size of a flagpole.
In a settlement, Palm Beach agreed to waive 
those fines — if Trump’s club made a $100,000 donation to a specific 
charity for veterans. Instead, Trump sent a check from the Donald J. 
Trump Foundation, a charity funded almost entirely by other people’s 
money, according to tax records.
The check to charity from the Trump Foundation.
In
 another case, court papers say one of Trump’s golf courses in New York 
agreed to settle a lawsuit by making a donation to the plaintiff’s 
chosen charity. A $158,000 donation was made by the Trump Foundation, 
according to tax records.
The other expenditures involved smaller 
amounts. In 2013, Trump used $5,000 from the foundation to buy 
advertisements touting his chain of hotels in programs for three events 
organized by a D.C. preservation group. And in 2014, Trump spent $10,000
 of the foundation’s money for a portrait of himself bought at a charity
 fundraiser.
Or, rather, another portrait of himself.
Several years earlier, Trump had used $20,000 from the Trump Foundation to buy a different, six foot-tall portrait.
If
 the Internal Revenue Service were to find that Trump violated 
self-dealing rules, the agency could require him to pay penalty taxes or
 to reimburse the foundation for all the money it spent on his behalf. 
Trump is also facing scrutiny from the office of the New York attorney 
general, which is examining whether the foundation broke state charity 
laws.
More broadly, these cases also provide new evidence that 
Trump ran his charity in a way that may have violated U.S. tax law and 
gone against the moral conventions of philanthropy.
“I represent 700 nonprofits a year, and I’ve never encountered anything so brazen,” said Jeffrey Tenenbaum,
 who advises charities at the Venable law firm in Washington. After The 
Post described the details of these Trump Foundation gifts, Tenenbaum 
described them as “really shocking.”
“If he’s using other people’s
 money — run through his foundation — to satisfy his personal 
obligations, then that’s about as blatant an example of self-dealing 
[as] I’ve seen in a while,” Tenenbaum said.
The Post sent the Trump campaign a detailed list of questions about the four cases, but received no response.
The
 New York attorney general’s office declined to comment when asked 
whether its inquiry would cover these new cases of possible 
self-dealing.
Trump founded his charity in 1987 and, for years, 
was its only donor. But in 2006, Trump gave away almost all of the money
 he had donated to the foundation, leaving it with just $4,238 at year’s
 end, according to tax records.
Then, he transformed the Trump 
Foundation into something rarely seen in the world of philanthropy: a 
name-branded foundation, whose namesake provides none of its money. 
Trump gave relatively small donations in 2007 and 2008, and afterward: 
nothing. The foundation’s tax records show no donations from Trump since
 2009.
Its money has come from other donors, most notably 
pro-wrestling executives Vince and Linda McMahon, who gave a total of $5
 million from 2007 to 2009, tax records show. Trump remains the 
foundation’s president, and he told the IRS in his latest public filings
 that he works half an hour per week on the charity.
The Post has previously detailed other cases in which Trump used the charity’s money in a way that appeared to violate the law.
In
 2013, for instance, the foundation gave $25,000 to a political group 
supporting Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi (R). That gift was made 
around the same time that Bondi’s office was considering whether to 
investigate fraud allegations against Trump University. It didn’t.
Tax
 laws say nonprofits such as the Trump Foundation may not make political
 gifts. Trump staffers blamed the gift on a clerical error. After The 
Post reported on the gift to Bondi’s group this spring, Trump paid a $2,500 penalty tax and reimbursed the Trump Foundation for the $25,000 donation.
In other instances, it appeared that Trump may have violated rules against self-dealing.
In 2012, for instance, Trump spent $12,000 of the foundation’s money to buy a football helmet signed by NFL quarterback Tim Tebow.
And
 in 2007, Trump’s wife, Melania, bid $20,000 for the six-foot-tall 
portrait of Trump, done by a “speed painter” during a charity gala at 
Mar-a-Lago. Later, Trump paid for the painting with $20,000 from the foundation.
In
 those cases, tax experts said, Trump was not allowed to simply keep 
these items and display them in a home or business. They had to be put 
to a charitable use.
Trump’s campaign has not responded to questions about what became of the helmet or the portrait.
The
 four new cases of possible self-dealing were discovered in the Trump 
Foundation’s tax filings. While Trump has refused to release his 
personal tax returns, the foundation’s filings are required to be 
public.
The case involving the flagpole at Trump’s oceanfront 
Mar-a-Lago Club began in 2006, when the club put up a giant American 
flag on the 80-foot pole. Town rules said flagpoles should be 42 feet 
high at most. Trump’s contention, according to news reports, was: “You 
don’t need a permit to put up the American flag.”
The town began to fine Trump, $1,250 a day.
Trump’s
 club sued in federal court, saying that a smaller flag “would fail to 
appropriately express the magnitude of Donald J. Trump’s . . . 
patriotism.”
They settled.
The town waived the $120,000 in fines. In September 2007, Trump wrote the town a letter, saying he had done his part as well.
“I
 have sent a check for $100,000 to Fisher House,” he wrote. The town had
 chosen Fisher House, which runs a network of comfort homes for the 
families of veterans and military personnel receiving medical treatment,
 as the recipient of the money. Trump added that, for good measure, “I 
have sent a check for $25,000” to another charity, the American Veterans
 Disabled for Life Memorial.
Trump provided the town with copies of the checks, which show that they came from the Trump Foundation.
In
 the town of Palm Beach, nobody seems to have objected that the fines 
assessed on Trump’s business were being erased by a donation from a 
charity.
“I don’t know that there was any attention paid to that 
at the time. We just saw two checks signed by Donald J. Trump,” said 
John Randolph, the Palm Beach town attorney. “I’m sure we were satisfied
 with it.”
Excerpt from a settlement filed in federal court in 2007.
In
 the other case in which a Trump Foundation payment seemed to help 
settle a legal dispute, the trouble began with a hole-in-one.
In 
2010, a man named Martin Greenberg hit a hole-in-one on the 13th hole 
while playing in a charity tournament at Trump’s course in Westchester 
County, N.Y.
Greenberg won a $1 million prize. Briefly.
Later,
 Greenberg was told that he had won nothing. The prize’s rules required 
that the shot had to go 150 yards. But Trump’s course had allegedly made
 the hole too short.
Greenberg sued.
Eventually, court 
papers show, Trump’s golf course signed off on a settlement that 
required it to make a donation of Martin Greenberg’s choosing. Then, on 
the day that the parties informed the court they had settled their case,
 a $158,000 donation was sent to the Martin Greenberg Foundation.
That money came from the Trump Foundation, according to the tax filings of both Trump’s and Greenberg’s foundations.
Greenberg’s foundation reported getting nothing that year from Trump personally or from his golf club.
Both Greenberg and Trump have declined to comment.
Several tax experts said that the two cases appeared to be clear cases of self-dealing, as defined by the tax code.
The Trump Foundation had made a donation, it seemed, so that a Trump business did not have to.
Rosemary E. Fei, a lawyer in San Francisco who advises nonprofits, said both cases clearly fit the definition of self-dealing.
“Yes,
 Trump pledged as part of the settlement to make a payment to a charity,
 and yes, the foundation is writing a check to a charity,” Fei said. 
“But the obligation was Trump’s. And you can’t have charitable 
foundation paying off Trump’s personal obligations. That would be 
classic self-dealing.” In another instance, from 2013, the Trump 
Foundation made a $5,000 donation to the D.C. Preservation League, 
according to the group and tax filings. That nonprofit’s support has 
been helpful for Trump as he has turned the historic Old Post Office 
Pavilion on Washington’s Pennsylvania Avenue NW into a luxury hotel.
The
 Trump Foundation’s donation to that group bought a “sponsorship,” which
 included advertising space in the programs for three big events that 
drew Washington’s real estate elite. The ads did not mention the 
foundation or anything related to charity. Instead, they promoted 
Trump’s hotels, with glamorous photos and a phone number to call to make
 a reservation.
“The foundation wrote a check that essentially 
bought advertising for Trump hotels?” asked John Edie, the longtime 
general counsel for the Council on Foundations, when a Post reporter 
described this arrangement. “That’s not charity.”
The last of the four newly documented expenditures involves the second painting of Trump, which he bought with charity money.
It
 happened in 2014, during a gala at Mar-a-Lago that raised money for 
Unicorn Children’s Foundation — a Florida charity that helps children 
with developmental and learning disorders.
The gala’s main event was a concert by Jon Secada. But there was also an auction of paintings by Havi Schanz, a Miami Beach-based artist.
One
 was of Marilyn Monroe. The other was a four foot-tall portrait of 
Trump: a younger-looking, mid-’90s Trump, painted in acrylic on top of 
an old architectural drawing.
Trump bought it for $10,000.
Afterward,
 Schanz recalled in an email, “he asked me about the painting. I said, 
‘I paint souls, and when I had to paint you, I asked your soul to allow 
me.’ He was touched and smiled.”
A few days later, the charity 
said, a check came from the Trump Foundation. Trump himself gave 
nothing, according to Sharon Alexander, the executive director of the 
charity.
Trump’s staff did not respond to questions about where 
that second painting is now. Alexander said she had last seen it at 
Trump’s club.
“I’m pretty sure we just left it at Mar-a-Lago,” she said, “and his staff took care of it.”
 
 
